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Proposed Amendments to "E.Privacy" DirectiveThese are outlined in the Report from the Committee on Citizens' Freedoms and Rights, Justice and Home Affairs, (A5-0270/2001) which according to procedure includes the Opinions of the Committee on Legal Affairs and the Internal Market, the Committee on Industry, External Trade, Research and Energy, and the Committee on the Environment, Public Health and Consumer Policy. (Amendment 1) The report starts out promising enough, proposing an additional Citation:
(Amendment 18) and then goes on to propose additional text (in bold italics) to Recital 21: Safeguards should be provided for subscribers against intrusion of their privacy by means of unsolicited calls, telefaxes, electronic mails and other forms of communications for direct marketing purposes. Member States may limit such safeguards to subscribers who are natural persons. The proposal to include unsolicited commercial electronic communications in the scope of article 13.1 is essential in order to deal with the specificities of electronic messaging. The costs and "nuisance factor" involved in unsolicited commercial electronic messages, particularly on mobile devices, is substantially greater than offline postal mail. The proposal of a ban on unsolicited commercial electronic communications should not, therefore, infer any alteration to provisions of Community law relating to offline commercial communications. (Amendment 19) So far, so good, but the rot starts here, with a proposed additional Recital (21a):
Ah, so "filters" are to be the answer. So senders of UCE are not to be inhibited legally from pounding servers with their spew which in any case never reaches the intended recipients, assuming the filters are effective. (Amendment 20) But supposedly there is no need for any further legislation, according to this additional proposed Recital (21.b):
"Cost-increasing" to whom, pray? A ban on Unsolicited Commercial Email would not affect those who already practice "permission-based" marketing in the slightest, whilst giving the aggrieved recipients and their providers the legal means to stop those who have no respect for privacy or others' property. "Existing, current" legislation either does not apply to spam or spamming practices, or is difficult and expensive to enforce. Part of the difficulty (not to mention expense) arises from the fact that little or no specific legislation is in place. (Amendment 41) An additional "preamble" is to be added to Article 13:
But does the sending of UCE to addresses gathered without the data subject's knowledge or consent constitute a "legitimate" processing of personal data? The European Commission, the Article 29 Working Party, and the French National Commission for Data Processing and Liberty don't think so, nor do we. (Amendment 42) But now we get to the heart of the matter. Article 13 is now to read:
"Responsible" marketers have already embraced the "permission-based" model, those who haven't are by definition irresponsible. This goes particularly for the on-line vendors who won't take "no" for an answer, neither in the initial contact, nor in honouring subsequent "remove" requests. Apart from that, if the "software solutions" really are "effective", then the punters will never see the spew in the first place. But who is supposed to pay for the development of these software solutions? That's right, the subscribers of Internet Service Providers. (Amendment 43) It gets even better, with a warmed-over bit from the E.Commerce Directive followed by a piece of purported reasoning breathtaking in its cluelessness:
The failure to include like with like was, is, and remains a mistake explainable (if not necessarily justifiable) by the fact that the deliberations took place four or five years ago, when there were far fewer Internet subscribers than now. Email should have been included together with those media (fax and automatic calling systems) where tireless automata pound on human beings whose endurance is limited. The present mess represented by the E.Commerce Directive is one of the areas of legal uncertainty which the Commission tries to address. The lack of consistency will in no way be ameliorated by these amendments. As the Commission put it:
Concerning spamming, the Committee's attempt to muddy the waters is disingenuous at best, mendacious at worst. Sending direct marketing material via email may indeed be considered a "legitimate business activity" involving something completely different from spamming if and only if the recipient had given permission. Otherwise there is no difference. Permission is what distinguishes the welcome guest from the unlawful intruder. Guests don't force their way into people's homes, legitimate marketers don't force their messages on to people who haven't asked (but are nevertheless required to pay) for them. We are expected to believe that "the opt-out system will promote e-commerce in Europe" although it is not easy to see how, when many are afraid that their personal data will be misused to an even greater extent than they are now. "Permission-based" marketing on the other hand, is about establishing and maintaining trust: something that spamming (that's right, spamming) destroys. Who wants to do business with someone whose initial approach is based on trespass or theft by conversion? In this context, it is useful to recall:
(Amendment 44) But the Committee on Citizens' Freedoms and Rights, Justice and Home Affairs chooses to serve up another warmed-over bit from the E.Commerce Directive, with the same 'justification':
The bit "can register themselves" seems to have been left out of the English-language versions of the working drafts, and this omission has been carried over to the published final report. In any case, it was never clear just how many of these "opt-out registers" were to be set up. There appears to be nothing to stop the proliferation of hundreds or thousands of these. This ambiguity was forcefully illustrated in early drafts of legislation to implement the E.Commerce Directive in Spain: senders of UCE were to consult at least once a month either an external 'opt-out' list or one they maintain themselves. (Amendment 45) A few words added to the original Commission draft (shown in bold italics): 2. Member States shall take appropriate measures to ensure that, free of charge and in an easy and clear manner, unsolicited communications for purposes of direct marketing, by means other than those referred to in previous paragraphs , are not allowed either without the consent of the subscribers concerned or in respect of subscribers who do not wish to receive these communications, the choice between these options to be determined by national legislation. (Amendment 46) An interesting bit which is similar to provisions in actual state and proposed Federal legislation in the United States:
This, while welcome, does not completely address the problem of "mainsleaze": where senders still flood servers and mailboxes with unsolicited advertisements which the recipients end up paying for. (Amendment 47) Last, but not least:
No justification is offered. That "single-case opt-out" just doesn't scale has apparently not occured to certain members of the Committee. As the authors of the study prepared for the European Commission put it:
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Amendments Tabled Before Plenary SessionAdditional amendments can be tabled by MEPs who are not members of the Committee issuing the report. (Amendment 53) The famous "opt-in" amendment: unnecessary overkill on the one hand, nil protection on the other. The only use it had was to stop the Parliamentary juggernaut and force a re-think.
To take the last assertion first, the figure of EUR 10,000 Million from the European Commission study "Unsolicited Commercial Communications and Data Protection" (Page 67) was given as a global cost, not one confined to net.users in the EU alone. The requirement that "only opt-in registers..." be used is completely unnecessary. As long as the recipient has knowingly given consent (and this can be demonstrated) an additional requirement that the same recipient should "register" in some external "opt-in list" is absolutely redundant. The provision that enterprises be allowed to send unsolicited messages no less than twice a year goes entirely against the sense and purpose of a supposedly "opt-in amendment". Not only is there, apparently, a total absence of even the half-hearted "protection" offered by "opt-out", the hapless user could very soon become overwhelmed by continued solicitations to allow commercial email. Look at the numbers again: a full-time occupation consisting of nothing put pressing the "delete" key can be guaranteed by only half the Small-to-Medium-scale Enterprises ("SMEs") taking advantage of this offer. This calculation leaves out the 9 million sole traders and 8 million "very small" enterprises who could understandably be very tempted to make use of Parliament's largesse at the expense of ordinary consumers holding email accounts. (Amendment 60) Labeling and "single-case opt-out" rinsed and repeated.
The reader might well be forgiven for having expected better than the lame offering above, given the rhetorical flourishes in the Justification, yet this, too, passed the roll call vote. Privacy will never be protected so long as email addresses, regardless of provenance, regardless of whether they were obtained "fairly and lawfully" or not, can be used in such a way as to force costs and overheads onto the data subject. Given sufficient volume, the data subject's mailbox would easily become effectively useless, something which could never be interpreted as being in that person's interests.
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Second Time Around: Proposed AmendmentsParliament referred the report back to the Committee on Citizens' Freedoms and Rights, Justice and Home Affairs. A draft Second Report appeared on 11 October and was put to the vote on 22 October. Of interest to us are the proposed Amendments to Article 13:-
Once again email is to be "opt out", yet a similar misuse of personal data via mobile phone is to be prohibited. This latter provision is badly-written and too specific: the current system for short text messages is mentioned, but the next-generation EMS (extended messaging service) is apparently not covered.
Nowhere does the Committee on Citizens' Freedoms and Rights, Justice and Home Affairs address the European Commission's concerns about the unsuitability of the 'national choice' approach to the requirement for recipients' prior consent to advertising by email:-
At least the nonsensical labeling requirement has not been carried over from the E.Commerce Directive. But there's more:-
The original intention is to facilitate 'single-case opt-out', which in any case does not scale. (Are you really up to issuing 1, 9, or 18 million 'opt-out' "requests"?) Nevertheless, as a means whereby an innocent third party whose address is forged into the From: line of UBE can take legal action, this provision could be welcomed.
This appears to be based on AOL's mail handling system, which the rest of the industry regards as being somewhat obsolescent. Subject lines are often deliberately made to be misleading, so it is quite probable that the recipient will end up having to download anyway. The presence of large attachments would not necessarily be indicated. Since these can take a long time to download and can contain malicious code, this provision actually offers inadequate protection. Owners/operators of Windows boxen don't have to wait at all for such a "technical solution": a freeware application called POP3 Scan Mailbox offers this kind of function with the additional possibility of examining all or part of a suspect message. Similar functionality has long since been available for other operating systems. It should be noted that online mailbox administration can be very costly in connect time, however. More connect time can be spent deciding and marking for deleteion than the messages would have taken to be downloaded. In any case, the automatic 'reply' feature would not be available for messages which are deleted. In other words, a message would have to be downloaded before the 'reply to remove' facility provided for in the previous paragraph could be utilised. A further source of inspiration for the Committee's proposed amendment comes from some Web-based mail systems offering "anti-spam" filtering capability. Here again, it must be mentioned that perusing one's email online through a web browser can become a very expensive pastime on a metered connection. It should be noted that such utilities or systems by themselves cannot and do not deal with the problem of chronic mailbox overload, something the offerings from the Committee on Citizens' Freedoms and Rights, Justice and Home Affairs do little to prevent. An amendment tabled prior to the plenary session was accepted and included:-
And this is supposed to inspire consumer confidence in electronic commerce? "Buy online!! And get spammed until you beg them to stop!!" At least the remedy to this is relatively simple: there are services reachable via the links to "Special Email Services" which allow the user to generate any number of 'disposable' addresses - very useful for dealing with online vendors who don't want to respect the Purpose Principle of the Data Protection Directive. The entire pig's breakfast was accepted by Parliament for First Reading and forwarded to the Council.
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Common Sense: The Council's View
Two things stand out here:
"National Choice" for snail mail and telemarketing. Sicut erat in principio...
One would hope that this issue would never arise, but those seeking to get around the law by means of header forgery, "cloaking" or other deception are put on notice that such activity in and of itself is not to be allowed.
All emininently reasonable, and Something We Can Live With. It only remains to persuade Parliament to leave well enough alone.
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Usual Nonsense: The Committee's View AgainSo as not to be accused of inconsistency, our favourite Committee on Citizens' Freedoms and Rights, Justice and Home Affairs in its latest report proposes to serve up the same unworkable mess it proposed for First Reading, albeit by a smaller margin this time. The directive proposal moves on to the Plenary session scheduled between 13 and 16 May. An absolute majority (314) would be required in order to overturn the Council's Common Position and initiate the Conciliation Procedure. Disharmony of varying national régimes is guaranteed by the amendments proposed in the Committee's report. See overview of legal situation as of May 2002. | |||||||||||||||
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